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By the end of the s, as Park notes, modernization theory had spread far beyond the academy and pervaded public discourse on 'development'. According to Park, modernization theory represented an attempt to provide a "more-ordered" perspective based on "increasingly complex" and "multi-disciplinary views"; however, the shift it represented was less "real" than first appearances suggested.
He emphasizes that modernization theory as it emerged after reinforced "existing attitudes", insofar as it continued to regard the cultures and institutions of Latin America with disdain, emphasizing, furthermore, that Latin American cultural practices had to be "discarded" for the region to evolve towards modernity. As Park notes, by the early s the idea that the "development" of Latin America could only come about through a process of complete, but evolutionary, "transformation" and strict emulation of the U.
By , Park concludes, the U. In this context U. While Park's discussion provides general coverage of the to period, and emphasizes the ethnocentric North American antecedents of modernization theory and the Alliance for Progress, his analysis fails to draw out the shifting and dramatically unequal inter-American power relations and the way in which the vicissitudes of the Cold War shaped the changes to, or the reworking of, U.
He points to the way Latin America remained a low priority in Washington in the s because the region appeared to be relatively stable in relation to U. However, once he has established the general Cold War context, he often ignores the role of the Cold War even though a direct and specific discussion of Cold War imperatives, at various points, would have illuminated and contextualized his discussion of particular commentators and trends. Millikan Park, However, at no point is Rostow's career, or his work located in the wider context of the Cold War and the projection of U.
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Surely, any attempt to come to grips with Rostow's book The Stages of Economic Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto, a classic statement of modernization theory in the s and early s, and its overall significance in relation to U. Nor does Park mention his role as a major and influential advocate of the shift in U. In his last chapter, Park concludes that the Alliance for Progress ostensibly a billion dollar, decade-long, program of land and economic reform, aimed at bringing about annual growth rates of at least 2. According to Park, the Alliance for Progress emerged as U.
However, by the mids, although classical modernization theory continued to underpin North American analysis of Latin America, "it was less and less expressed with the high idealism of a few years earlier" at the same time as the anti-communist military element of the Alliance for Progress became increasingly important.
From Park's point of view the Alliance's "putative failure" did not flow so much from changes in Latin America as it did from "momentous cultural and political" developments in North America "which sharply curtailed the liberal agenda" and "reduced the public's already notoriously short attention span for things Latin American". More broadly, Park attributes the failure of the Alliance to "many factors" including "excessively ambitious" objectives, "the distraction of war in Vietnam, the fading of the Cuban 'threat', balance of payment problems and the decline of liberal reformism as the decade advanced".
In Park's view, the "smug confidence" of the Kennedy years had inspired a perspective on 'development' in Latin America which found the origin of the region's "problems" to be internal and the solution to be external in origin, but the "turbulent" s undermined that "confidence" and the rising political opposition increasingly found the roots of Latin American 'underdevelopment' in an "exploitative" inter-American politico-economic system centred on the U.
Park, Overall Park's analysis of the Alliance for Progress follows an established pattern which views the Alliance as a basically sound policy initiative and locates its failure in the weaknesses of the implementation process and the wider context of the weakening of U. From their perspective the earlier problems that had developed between Latin America and Washington had grown out of the shortcomings of previous policies, a shortage of information and U. As with Park's overall analysis, inter-American problems are explained in terms of a lack of 'understanding' between North and South caused and compounded by different cultural backgrounds, irrational stereotypes and a shortage of information.
For example, one of the overarching, but usually unstated, goals of the Alliance was the protection of inter-American arrangements conducive to North American investments and trading interests. At the same time many of the Alliance's reforms endangered U. Furthermore, any significant land reform threatened the interests of powerful land-based elites often allied to U. These contradictions were apparent in the way that Kennedy's reformist rhetoric went hand in hand with Washington's ever-deepening commitment to aiding military and police efforts to quash peasant-based rebellions.
From the very beginning, U. Although high rates of economic growth in many Latin American countries had been achieved by the late s, they had served primarily to increase social inequality, while the middle class moved to side with the ruling political and socio-economic elite as politics, instead of evolving towards democracy, moved further towards authoritarianism and military dictatorship not coincidentally there were sixteen military coups within eight years of the launch of the Alliance for Progress.
Already by the time of Kennedy's assassination, the reformist element in the Alliance had been sidelined in favour of a more straightforward approach of military and economic aid to any regime which was committed to the status quo. Ultimately, the optimism and missionary zeal of the Alliance for Progress, according to Park, "sprang from an interpretation of Latin American underdevelopment that is yet today expressed as a major voice in the ongoing debate in academic circles on hemispheric development and that rests on a perspective with very deep roots in the American past" Park, , p.
At the same time, by the second half of the s, the weaknesses of the major Cold War theories of development, and of the Alliance for Progress, had also encouraged the appearance of a theory of underdevelopment "antithetical" to modernization theory. In Park's view the struggle between dependency theory and liberal developmentalism was a "conflict" between a re-emergent "economic interpretation" which originated in the s, but had been marginalised by the "prosperity" of the post era, and a revised "cultural interpretation" with an even longer genealogy.
He goes on to suggest that the development debate of the s "reinforced the growing awareness of the inordinate complexity of Latin American underdevelopment" and for this reason the "collapse" of the "consensus" around a "culturally based and ethnocentric" modernization theory, which had reached a peak by the beginning of the s, should be regarded favourably.
He also argues that achieving a new theoretical "consensus" on development and underdevelopment in Latin America was difficult because of the growing power and articulation of "the Latin American view" and because dependency and modernization theorists "were driven by ideology" Park, First of all, I cannot imagine any theory or perspective that is outside of politics or "ideology", as this latter observation implies. Park's book is itself clearly "driven" by liberal assumptions about political and social change which are linked to modernization theory. Furthermore, as with his attempt to chart the shifts in inter-American relations and U.
For example, at a minimum he could have distinguished between the reformist strands which are seen to have originated with Raul Prebisch and the ECLA in the s on the one hand and the more revolutionary strands, associated with Andre Gunder Frank and others, which first appeared in the s and are generally regarded as classical dependency theory. At the same time, while there are clearly various resonances and linkages between dependency theory of the s and the theories of economic imperialism which emerged in the s, the link is not necessarily straightforward.
Park's heavy emphasis on continuity here, as with his emphasis on the cultural continuity between modernization theory and earlier ethnocentric perspectives, somewhat obscures the dynamic reconfiguring of older perspectives which occurred during the Cold War. Park, in my view, also overstates the challenge which dependency theory represented to the liberal consensus underpinning modernization theory. He argues that the late s saw a break down of "consensus" and it was not until the beginning of the s that there was a re-emergence of a "general concordance of views on development" centred on a neo-liberal model amongst government leaders, policy-makers and the general public in the U.
This emphasis on a breakdown of consensus in the s, as a result in part of the growing influence of dependency theory, is a common observation. Despite the radical challenges and the political turmoil, liberalism clearly remained dominant within and outside the Latin American studies profession. The theoretical and political changes within the North American study of Latin America since the s occurred in the context of power relations that worked to domesticate radical theory and politics to liberal academic structures, professional organizations and discourses.
Even when the lack of political and theoretical consensus appeared to be particularly acute, such as the late s or the early s, the institutional power relations and the dominant professional and policy discourses provided the context for the domestication and containment of theoretical and political dissent. While a crucial site for the domestication of dependency theory was the Latin American studies profession the domestication process was also intimately linked to shifts in U. In the s and s, in the context of the emergence of dependency theory, liberals revised modernization theory to give it a more critical edge.
They also began to adopt elements of dependency analysis. However, unlike the radical reliance on a conflict model of inter-American relations, the dominant professional discourses continued to rest on the view that there was no fundamental conflict of interest between U. And while most radicals advocated revolutionary change, or at least radical reform, liberal narratives continued to be based on considerable optimism about the possibility of improving North-South relations within the existing inter-American framework. As we have seen Park's book is about U.
I have tried to argue that his overall analysis is seriously weakened by his assumption that the growing involvement of the U. I have also emphasized that his analysis throughout fails to address possible conflicts of interest between the government and people of the U. This points to an unwillingness to acknowledge the important role that power relations play in shaping 'ethnocentric' North American perspectives on Latin America. Nor does his analysis take into account that 'enthnocentrism' without power, is quite different from 'ethnocentrism' with power whereby the historic North American disdain towards Latin America which he charts is translated into policies and actions that have significant effects.
At the same time, Park's failure to address the question of power results in an analysis of the development debate of the s which treats dependency theory as a virtual equal competitor with modernization theory and overstates the scale of the dependency challenge to liberal theories of development. Furthermore, despite his cultural critique of modernization theory, there is a tendency towards an ahistorical perspective which reads too much continuity into US perspectives on Latin America, while his overall analysis, like most elite visions of a regional or universal capitalist modernity, tends to obscure the historically disruptive effects of uneven capitalist development.
Modernization theory and the Alliance for Progress of the s, and neo-liberalism and Pan-American efforts at economic integration in the s and s, have been aimed less at Pan American progress and more at managing capitalist development in the interests of regionalized and internationalized elites. The Alliance for Progress coincided in the s with both increased rates of economic growth and dramatic increases in social and economic inequality, while the liberalization of trade and investment in the s and s, has been paralleled by the concentration of incomes, high rates of underemployment and unemployment, widespread poverty and the marginalization of large numbers of rural and urban poor throughout the Americas.
Irving Louis Horowitz, ed. Robert A. Peter F. Klarin and Thomas J. Bossert, eds. Mark T. See John J. Lester D. John J. Fredrick B. John A. The absence of any conception of power relations in Park's account is apparent when he emphasizes that the ignorant, racist and ethnocentric attitudes which underpinned US perspectives towards Latin America "should not be taken as uniquely" North American, "for they were quite universal". This point is reiterated in his conclusion where he argues that "it must be kept in mind that ethnocentrism is not unique to American culture; the Latin American interpretation of life in the United States is also burdened with its own ethnocentric limitations" Park, , pp.
Alvarez, eds. Park highlights the continued influence and codification of the climatic explanation for Latin American 'backwardness' into the s, as reflected in the work of the Yale academic Ellsworth Huntington. Even more than climatic explanations, 'race' and 'racial mixing' continued to be "widely accepted" explanations for the 'backwardness' of Latin America.
Again, as Park points out, the writings of influential North American exponents of scientific racism worked to legitimate racial explanations for 'underdevelopment' in Latin America. Baltimore County zoning prioritized the development of single-family housing developments, often financed by the Federal Housing Administration FHA , and used zoning to largely exclude the development of more affordable multifamily housing. In June , he spoke directly to white constituents about their apathy towards the limited progress of civil rights in Baltimore:.
We have not really attempted, as a community, to understand the plight, the unrest, and the feelings of those who have been denied. We have not attempted to understand why, even after significant progress, our negro brethren still insist that all is not right nor community—that there is much to be done. Black Baltimoreans continued organizing and often worked with labor activists to form political coalitions and alliances.
In Maryland, a growing population of black registered voters, helped elect candidates with greater support for policies that advanced black civil rights—notably including Theodore McKeldin, who served two terms as Mayor of Baltimore and two terms as governor.
Elected officials were also forced to respond to numerous direct-action campaigns organized by black students in this period. A growing movement sought to hold elected officials and local business leaders accountable to new local and federal requirements for equal rights.
In the s, the growing alliance between labor and civil rights activists helped turn electoral politics into a powerful tool for policy change in Baltimore and Maryland. Emerson and leading members of the A. Church, and local socialist and Communist leaders were invited to participate. While the realignment of black voters from the Republican party to the Democratic party began with the New Deal in the s, Republican candidates in Maryland still sought and won significant support from black voters. Church to push the Governor to promise to appoint black police officers to the Baltimore City Police Department.
Jackson in favor of Republican Theodore McKeldin. As Rev. McKeldin was available and this, I think, made all the difference. While there was substantial local support for Republicans Nice and McKeldin, who embraced a civil rights platform, ultimately these candidates did not reverse the realignment of black voters from the Republican to the Democratic Party. Black voters in northern cities were key to President Franklin D. In Baltimore, hotel owner Thomas R. The success of black voters in exerting pressure on elected officials built organizing capacity that helped lead to the election of black elected officials in the s and s.
On September 15, , Linwood Koger was the first black candidate to win a Republican primary election for the State Senate in the Fourth Legislative District—thanks to the support of a political organization led by Marse Callaway. Harry A. Cole , who had testified at the March on Annapolis in , won a seat in the Maryland State Senate in In , Verda F.
Welcome and Irma George Dixon became the first black women to be elected to the House of Delegates, and, in , Verda Welcome became the first African American woman to be elected to the Maryland Senate. But this same period also saw a renewed effort by white elected officials to capitalize on the reaction of white Marylanders who opposed the civil rights movement and sought to maintain the status quo. Thousands of white Baltimoreans in the city and suburbs voted in support of George C. The black student movement that grew between the s and s found supportive mentors and allies in a variety of locations.
For example, in the late s, the Communist Party hosted interracial dances at the Monumental Lodge No. Howard L. Cornish, a Morgan graduate and math professor, became the director of the Morgan Christian Center in Cornish lived at the parsonage and supported student civil rights activism up until his retirement in Students also found space on the Johns Hopkins University Homewood campus for radical organizing. The next spring, the group joined SDA chapters around the country in raising money to support the bus boycott in Montgomery, Alabama.
Decades of pervasive housing segregation gave black Baltimoreans few options for affordable, safe, and well-maintained homes or apartments. At the same time, highway and urban renewal projects disproportionally affected black residents, destroying long-established black neighborhoods and displacing residents.
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Similarly, the National Housing Act of created the Federal Housing Administration FHA to underwrite loans for building, rehabilitating, and buying houses, but these loans were generally not available to African Americans. Poe and McCulloh Homes consist of a series of two- and three-story garden apartment buildings facing open pedestrian-oriented courts making these new residences dramatically different from the small rowhouses that had previously housed poor black residents.
But even with a handful of new public housing projects, the combination of segregation and a growing population moving to Baltimore to work in the defense industry resulted in severe overcrowding. For example, from January to November alone, housing vacancies for units open to black occupancy shrank from. While it was rare for private developers to use FHA mortgage insurance for housing complexes for African Americans, one of example exists in eastern Baltimore County. Day Village, a unit, two-bedroom duplex community, opened in along Avondale Road in Dundalk in response to the high demand for housing for workers at defense industry factories during World War II.
Joseph P. In response to this housing crisis, beginning in the late s, black residents began to move into blocks at the western, northern, and southern edges of the segregated black area known as Old West Baltimore B In some cases, black residents were met with violence by white neighbors. Fulton Avenue, breaking glass in the front door and windows. Beatrice Sessoms, a native of North Carolina who came to Baltimore two years earlier, and her nephew. In reporting on the case of James Miller on Fulton Avenue, however, the Afro-American , suggests that violence was the exception rather than the rule, writing:.
Of at least fifty houses on Fulton Avenue now owned by colored persons between the and blocks, only one case of violence has been reported by one of the three families now known to occupy homes there. The James Miller family, which moved into N. Fulton Avenue on February 15, reported that bricks were thrown through a window and door panel on the following Saturday. The second floor of this house is occupied by the William Montgomery family… Among Fulton Avenue property owners are the Rev.
Hiram J. Smith, Dr. Bruce Alleyne and the Medicos Club, an organization of physicians and dentists. The landmark decision ended the legal enforcement of racial covenants previously upheld by the Supreme Court in their decision in Corrigan v. In an interview for Dr. Black people started moving out of the confined areas somewhere around or , but what would happen was that whites would evacuate a block or two blocks, and black people would move in. The evacuation would take place first. I remember streets like Fulton Avenue, Monroe Street—they were once totally white, and they went through the transition and changed somewhere between and —that was the time I was in service.
The approval of the Housing Act of dramatically expanded access to mortgages for white Baltimoreans, but left black activists feeling skeptical when federal officials expressed their concern over poor housing conditions for black Americans. In this exploitative practice, real estate speculators encouraged white fears of black households moving into previously segregated white neighborhoods, to induce white property-owners to sell at reduced prices. The speculators could then re-sell the same houses to black families at much higher prices.
Because black families had fewer options for financing, often the speculators would finance the purchase, charging much higher rates than white buyers could obtain under FHA financing. Rothstein emphasizes the connection between blockbusting and persistent housing segregation, writing:. Blockbusting could work only because the FHA made certain that African Americans had few alternative neighborhoods where they could purchase homes at fair market values. Davage, a Baltimore County schoolteacher, and his wife Elizabeth.
For black buyers like the Davages, blockbusters often offered to sell houses using land-installment contracts or buy-like-rent arrangements, also known as lease-option contracts, that allowed homeowners to purchase property without an initial down payment or closing charges. Since these arrangements did not immediately transfer title to the property, buyers risked losing their homes if they missed even a single payment. Baltimore Urban League, the Maryland Commission on Interracial Problems and Relations, and the Citizens Planning and Housing Association recruited community organizations to help combat continued white flight and avoid the rapid resegregation of newly integrated neighborhoods.
Larsen signed on to the plan but had little hope for success. In , local organizing around fair housing led to the founding of Baltimore Neighborhoods Inc. The group sought to promote stable integrated neighborhoods by educating residents about fair housing laws, demanding enforcement, and pushing for stronger policies, but there were few neighborhoods where their efforts succeeded.
The neighborhoods along Edmondson Avenue west of the Gwynns Falls were among many areas that flipped from segregated white to segregated black in little more than a decade. Highway construction was another major factor influencing regional housing. Income inequality limited automobile ownership among black households and segregated black neighborhoods were disproportionally displaced by highway projects.
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The pattern of road building in black neighborhoods was well-established by the s. In , despite significant opposition from nearby residents, the city expanded Druid Lake Drive again. The most notable of the road projects planned and debated in this period was an east-west highway known as the Franklin—Mulberry Expressway. Planning for the project began in when City Planning Commission engineers first proposed a major east—west highway.
In , Baltimore commissioned a highway design from New York planner Robert Moses, who delivered a proposal requiring the demolition of city blocks and the displacement of 1, residents. The passage of the Federal-Aid Highway Act of , which authorized the interstate highway system and expanded funding for road projects including the proposed east-west expressway.
By the s, concern over the highway plans developed into organized opposition. For example, in , a group of west Baltimore residents established the Relocation Action Movement RAM to fight for fair compensation for west Baltimore residents displaced by the highway. RAM members clearly saw the connection between the highway proposal and the broader conditions of racial segregation and inequality.
The report led to a ballot amendment approved by Baltimore voters to establish the Baltimore Redevelopment Commission and empower the commission with the eminent domain authority they would use to acquire private property for redevelopment. In September , Dr. Robert L. Jackson, the only black member of the City Planning Commission, criticized a proposal to locate a new state office complex in the area, noting that the project would force black families to move.
Richard L. On November 4, W. The subsequent Housing Act of added new requirements for comprehensive planning but reduced requirements for building new affordable housing in the areas targeted for clearance. Later amendments exempted universities from earlier provisions requiring that projects include new housing construction.
BURHA took over the designation of a growing number of urban renewal areas in and around downtown Baltimore and the administration of related projects. In , a Sun editorial reflected on the proposed demolition around Harlem Park an area the Commission on City Plan of Baltimore and the Redevelopment Commission called "ripe for urban renewal" , noting:. Even today the park is still there and the houses which surround it are for the most part gracious and dignified in their outward appearance Inside they may be ghastly tenements, for all we know. But is it really necessary to dispose of them as so much rubbish?
By May , Elizabeth Murphy Philips could report on a host of businesses, churches, and community groups displaced from urban renewal areas in east and west Baltimore. After 17 years at Madison Avenue, C. Johnson's Barber Shop had moved to Smallwood Street. Displaced churches included Trinity A. After 15 years in operation at Dolphin Street, Day's Employment Agency decided to open a second location at the corner of Pennsylvania Avenue and Presstman Street—"just in case" their block of Dolphin Street was selected for demolition.
Other businesses were threatened with demolition, but had not yet found a new building, including the York Hotel at Dolphin Street and Madison Avenue and the W. In the s, black families in Baltimore and the surrounding region grew increasingly impatient with the discriminatory under-funding of segregated black schools.
For years, the parents in Baltimore County had sought the construction of a high school for their children. The county refused their requests and continued the practice of sending black students to segregated high schools in city. These examples illustrate the challenges around school equality as parents, students, and activists sought to secure equal opportunities and equal facilities even within the segregated system.
Ultimately, however, demands for equality turned into demands for integration. The successful case of Murray v. Pearson led to the integration of the University of Maryland School of Law. Following the Brown v. Board of Education decision, the pace of change increased. Baltimore officially ended the long-standing practice of maintaining segregated school systems.
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Unfortunately, by the early s, it was clear that most students in the Baltimore region, both black and white, were still attending segregated schools. Parent-led efforts for more substantial change were undermined by the persistence of housing segregation across the region and white elected officials who refused to make school desegregation a political priority. During the s, school administrator Francis Wood continued to build on the changes suggested by the Strayer school survey.
The building, located at the northeast corner of N. Carrollton and W. Lafayette Avenues, was originally designed in by Francis Earlougher Davis, and vacated in when the segregated white Normal School moved to Towson. The building was later converted to school district offices before becoming a high school.
While teacher salaries had been effectively equalized for white and black teachers in Baltimore City in , other jurisdictions around the state continued to discriminate against black educators. Even as Francis Wood, along with many black teachers and families, advocated for improvements to black schools within the segregated system, others fought to end school segregation everywhere from elementary schools to universities.
The best-known case from this period was Murray v. The court determined that by providing only one law school for Maryland students the state could only fulfill their obligations under the Equal Protection Clause of Fourteenth Amendment by opening the school to all students—both white and black. Persistent advocacy finally won black Baltimoreans a seat on the city school board. On April 9, , Dr. Carl Murphy, acting as chairman of the Baltimore Citizens Committee for Justice, sent a letter to Mayor Howard Jackson arguing for the appointment of an African American person to the school board.
In the years following the early success at the University of Maryland law school, barriers to black students and faculty began to fall at other area colleges, universities, and professional schools in Baltimore and Maryland. In , Dr. Ralph J. Lists with This Book. This book is not yet featured on Listopia. Community Reviews. Showing Rating details.
Sort order. Jun 30, David Lucander rated it liked it Shelves: u-s-historyth-century. Excellent overview of s Baltimore, but too many details for an average reader. Skotnes is a historian's historian, and I like that kind of stuff. Reminds me a lot of Rosemary Fuerer's book on St. Louis, very similar dynamics happening in both cities at that time. Lillie Jackson is neat! She gets a much more complimentary depiction here than in Ransby's Ella Baker biography. There are no discussion topics on this book yet. North American Hi About Andor Skotnes. Andor Skotnes.
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